Mexico
June 11, 2004
USDA/FAS GAIN Report
Approved by:
William L. Brant,
U.S. Embassy
Mexico City
Prepared by:
Condesa Consulting Group,
Mexico City
Report
Highlights:
This report is a summary translation of the Government of Mexico (GOM)
study on the effects of NAFTA on Mexican agriculture -- a study
which was mandated in 2003's National Agreement on Agriculture.
The report states that there have been mixed results in Mexico’s
agricultural sector over the past ten years, but that these
cannot be attributed solely to NAFTA given the complexity of
factors involved and certain policies and conditions which
predate NAFTA. The study concludes by recommending that the GOM
adopt a long-term rural policy aimed at increasing the
agriculture sector’s share of
GDP and
ensuring greater efficiency, productivity and international
competitiveness.
Introduction:
This report summarizes and translates into English a lengthier
Spanish study done by the Government of Mexico (GOM) on the
effects of NAFTA on Mexican agriculture. This study had been
mandated by
Mexico’s
National Agreement on Agriculture – an agreement signed in April
2003 by the GOM and various Mexican producer and campesino
organizations after a months-long spirited public debate on the
state of Mexican agriculture. This study was completed on April
4, 2004. Its Spanish title is “Evaluación Integral de los
Impactos e Instrumentación
del
Capítulo Agropecuario del TLCAN” or “Full Evaluation of the
Impacts and Implementation of the Agriculture Chapter of the
North American Free Trade Agreement.” The original Spanish
study was done by
José Romero y
Alicia Puyana, with the collaboration of R. Aceves, J. A. Ávila,
F. Cortés, and C. Heredia. The summary and English translation
contained herein were done by
Condesa Consulting Group,
SA de CV.
EXECUTIVE
SUMMARY
This paper
explores the North American Free Trade Agreement’s (NAFTA)
effects on the Mexican agriculture sector. The authors
emphasize the difficulty in attributing trends solely to NAFTA,
given the complexity of factors that influence the sector and
the continuing role of conditions and policies that pre-date the
Agreement.
The report
describes the key characteristics of Mexico’s agriculture
sector. One striking feature is the diversity of production
models, ranging from small-scale subsistence farms to large,
sophisticated operations. The bulk of producers fall into the
subsistence or semi-commercialized categories. The authors
argue that small operations have the potential to be as
productive as large-scale farms. A chronic shortage of credit
and investment in rural
Mexico,
however, has stagnated the productive capacity of smaller
operations.
Mixed results
have been achieved in the Mexican agriculture sector over the
past decade. Despite some setbacks and continued deficiencies,
several important gains have been made. Fruit and legume
exports, for example, have grown significantly thanks to greater
access to the North American market. Further, the degree of
concentration of agricultural exports has decreased. The
country’s level of “food dependence”, as well as total food
consumption, has increased. Lastly, productivity gains have
also been achieved, although Mexico’s productivity per worker is
still far behind that of competing countries.
The sector has
also experienced some less positive trends. On the whole, most
rural workers and small producers are poorer at present than
they were at the beginning of the 1990s. Increased poverty in
the sector is the result of several factors. Sector exports and
imports are highly sensitive to exchange rate fluctuations. A
steady appreciation of the peso over the past decade has hurt
exporting producers and encouraged imports. Employment in the
sector has fallen, as expected under trade aperture. The rest
of the economy, however, has been unable to fully absorb newly
unemployed agricultural workers. Those who are still employed
in the sector have suffered a decline in salary due mainly to
falling prices for agricultural goods.
The Mexican
government, the authors argue, has not invested sufficiently in
programs to compensate subsectors harmed by open trade nor in
programs to stimulate economic activity in rural areas.
Although government support has increased, it remains
insufficient or flawed, and, importantly, inferior to that of
competing countries. Foreign governments that invest heavily in
subsidies and technological advances distort international
markets by producing an excess supply of agricultural goods and,
consequently, artificially depress prices.
The authors
recommend a long-term strategy aimed at streamlining and
enhancing government programs in order to boost rural
employment, agricultural productivity, and agriculture’s share
of the country’s GDP.
REPORT
SUMMARY
The report,
“Full Evaluation of the Impacts and Implementation of the
Agriculture Chapter of NAFTA”, provides an overview of the
Mexican agriculture sector and an analysis of its evolution
since NAFTA was implemented.
Key
Characteristics of Mexico’s Agriculture Sector
Dual
production model
Mexico’s
agriculture sector is characterized by a marked duality. The
vast majority of production is attributable to a large number of
highly fragmented producers engaged in semi-commercialized or
subsistence farming on small plots of land (principally in the
south). The remainder corresponds to a small number of large,
modern operations active in trade (mainly in the center-north).
Mexico’s
Gini coefficient is 62 percent.
Low
productivity
Agriculture in
Mexico
is the least productive sector in the country’s economy.
Historically, productivity in the sector has been a mere
one-sixth that of the U.S. Such low productivity is largely due
to the country’s labor-intensive production at the subsistence
and semi-commercialized levels. These producers enjoy very
little access to capital and mechanization.
Poor
financing
Mexico’s
rural economy suffers from a credit shortage and a
disproportionately low share of the total credit supply. As
such, small and medium producers lack the resources to switch to
more profitable activities and adopt new technologies that could
boost productivity. The root of the problem relates to
government-subsidized interest rates. Government subsidization
of interest rates generates excess demand for credit, which in
turn encourages financial institutions to ration available
credit by raising transaction costs (such as significant
collateral requirements and paperwork). The result is that
small and medium producers opt for informal sources of credit,
which charge elevated interest rates in exchange for reduced
transaction costs.
Rural
poverty
Rural poverty
in Mexico
stems from a lack of productive resources, technology, and
infrastructure. For decades rural Mexico has received
relatively little investment. In 2001, the agriculture sector
accounted for 5.4 percent of GDP, but received less than one
percent of total investment in Mexico. Adverse natural
conditions (the 1995-99 period, for example, was the second
driest in the last 55 years), civil conflicts, corruption, and
poorly functioning public institutions add to the problem.
Lastly, misguided government policies, including taxes on
exports, subsidized imports, and an overvalued currency, worsen
rural poverty by keeping internal prices for agricultural goods
low.
Long-term contraction of Mexican agriculture sector
Mexico
suffers from the “Dutch Disease”, or “de-agriculturalization,”
the premature shrinking of the agriculture sector relative to
the total economy, owing to faster rising prices for
non-saleable agricultural goods than for saleable goods. The
agriculture sector in Mexico represents a relatively low 4.9
percent of
GDP—a proportion to which developed countries’ respective sectors did not
descend until their per capita
GDP had reached at least four times that of
Mexico. The
Dutch Disease emerged long before NAFTA was implemented, and
arose mainly due to prolonged periods of currency appreciation
and an import-substitution model which favored the manufacturing
industry.
NAFTA
Background
Broadly, it
was expected that NAFTA would benefit fruit and legume producers
in Mexico, harm net grain and oilseed sellers, and improve the
overall well being of net food consumers.
With regard to
agriculture, Mexico’s key objectives under NAFTA were to:
-
guarantee
free access for Mexican producers to the Canadian and U.S.
markets
-
negotiate
a sufficiently long transitional period to allow the sector to
adjust
-
provide
producers with long-term certainty and access to
internationally competitive inputs
-
transition toward a direct support system for certain
producers (rather than broad trade protectionism)
POST-NAFTA ANALYSIS OF THE AGRICULTURAL SECTOR
Multiple
influences
Numerous
influences on the agricultural sector over the past decade make
it difficult to isolate the impact of NAFTA. These factors
include:
-
The 1994-95
economic crisis in Mexico
-
Depreciation and subsequent appreciation of the Mexican peso
-
Insufficient investment in infrastructure
-
Subsidization policies of Mexico’s trade partners
-
Agriculture
products’ international price volatility and overall downward
trend
-
Highly
fragmented land use
-
Underdeveloped and inefficient internal market
-
Decreasing
access to credit
-
Flawed
Mexican federal government support programs
-
Natural
phenomena
In addition,
the Mexican agriculture sector had been subject to several
reforms aimed at transitioning from the import substitution
model to an open market for roughly a decade prior to NAFTA.
The overarching goal of these reforms was to reduce poverty by
lowering food prices and stimulating exports. However, reform
efforts have not always been properly carried out, as some
subsectors retained significant levels of protection through
non-tariff barriers such as subsidies. In short, reforms that
pre-date NAFTA, and which have not been always been fully or
properly applied, make it difficult to identify developments in
the sector owing exclusively to NAFTA.
Trends
in trade
Given the
range of production models—from highly fragmented subsistence
farms to large, modern operations—trade aperture under NAFTA has
affected Mexico’s producers to differing degrees.
In retrospect,
it is evident that fruit and legume producers have indeed
benefited since NAFTA was implemented, while grain and oilseed
producers—particularly semi-commercialized and subsistence
producers—have been negatively impacted. This is in-line with
pre-NAFTA expectations, as outlined above.
Since NAFTA,
the Mexican agriculture sector has achieved improved
international competitiveness and a more efficient distribution
of its factors of production. The degree of concentration in
exported products has decreased. Agricultural exports have
grown significantly, particularly in the fruit and legume
category. This has helped raise
Mexico’s
share of total agriculture imports in the
United States.
In 2001,
Mexico
represented 14 percent of agricultural imports in the U.S.,
compared to 12 percent in 1993. In contrast, Mexico’s imports
have become increasingly concentrated in grains, oilseeds, and
beef.
Over the past
decade, internal demand has grown faster than domestic
production. The difference has been made up with imports. The
agriculture sector’s high sensitivity to exchange rates explains
this trade deficit: a strong peso has lowered the international
competitiveness of Mexican agriculture products and encouraged
imports. Following the devaluation of the peso in 1995, several
factors have contributed to a steadily appreciating peso,
including strong levels of foreign investment, high oil prices,
and substantial remittances from Mexican immigrants in the U.S.
The trade deficit may also be traced, to a lesser extent, to
population growth in
Mexico
and higher per capita animal protein consumption.
Trends in
productivity
Since 1993,
the agriculture sector’s productivity—measured in output per
worker—has grown at twice the rate of that of the overall
economy. Nonetheless, productivity gains achieved in competing
countries have outstripped those in Mexico, and the country
continues to lag significantly by this measure. For example, in
1993,
Chile
and Mexico produced the same value per capita. By 2000,
however, Chile’s productivity had doubled. The authors express
concern regarding the productivity gap between Mexico and its
trade partners, and assert that raising the sector’s
productivity is of primary importance to the entire economy.
Trends in
employment and salary levels
A considerably
high proportion of the workforce in the Mexican economy (given
the sector’s relatively low share of
GDP) is employed in agriculture. In the 1997-99 period, the
agriculture sector’s share of
GDP in
Mexico was 3.3
times that of the U.S., while employment in the sector compared
to the total workforce was 9.1 times higher. This differential
would suggest that, upon opening the sector to international
competition, and in order to equate Mexico’s productivity with
that of the U.S., employment in the sector would have to be
reduced significantly.
Over the past
decade, employment in the agricultural sector has indeed fallen,
from about 25 percent of the workforce in the early 1990s to 19
percent in 2001, a loss of 700,000 jobs. The low skill level of
these workers makes them difficult to employ in other sectors.
However, it should be stressed that many factors—both internal
and external—impact the sector and changes in employment cannot
be attributed to a single influence (such as NAFTA).
Lower prices
for agricultural goods and the relatively small area of land
devoted to fruit and legume production (which have experienced
strong export growth since NAFTA) have reduced the demand for
labor per unit of production—resulting in lower salaries. The
decline in wages began long before NAFTA, however. Salaries in
the sector, in real terms, have decreased steadily over the past
two decades, reaching a mere 40 percent of their 1980 levels in
2001. The rest of the economy has lacked the dynamism to absorb
excess workers, while compensatory government efforts aimed at
stimulating employment in rural areas and improving
infrastructure have been insufficient.
The loss of
employment in rural areas coincides with increased emigration to
the U.S. and urban centers in Mexico. Again, however, experts
do not see a clear link between NAFTA and increased levels of
emigration. Indeed, emigration to the
U.S.
began to accelerate before NAFTA was implemented.
Food
dependence
Mexico’s
level of “food dependence” (as per the FAO measure of food
product imports as a percentage of total country exports) has
decreased since NAFTA was implemented. This trend is largely
due to the strong performance of Mexican manufactured good
exports over the last decade. Moreover, the total level of food
consumption in the country has increased over the past decade,
after contracting in the 1980-90 period.
Challenges
to Government
Government support in Mexico
Studies
realized prior to NAFTA’s implementation suggested that targeted
public spending would be necessary to compensate certain
subsectors and promote market competitiveness. Compensatory
measures aimed at less fortunate groups in the sector were, in
effect, bolstered (total government support for farmers in
Mexico has roughly quadrupled since the late 1980s). However,
the authors explain that support programs were underfunded
relative to competing countries’ levels of government
assistance. Mexico’s support of farmers is still relatively low
at less than one-third that of the U.S.—due in large part to the
sheer number of agricultural producers in Mexico. The
effectiveness of Mexican government programs, therefore, has
been lower than originally hoped.
One such
project is PROCAMPO, a direct compensatory payment program to
producers of certain agriculture goods. The authors report that
only a portion of needy producers received aid from PROCAMPO, as
the program tended to favor landowners with larger properties.
Role of
foreign governments
World prices
for agricultural products have declined steadily since 1997 due
largely to government subsidies in developed countries
(principally the U.S. and E.U.), yield-boosting technological
advances, and the emergence of new exporters such as Argentina
and Brazil.
Government
subsidies, in particular, distort international markets by:
-
isolating
home producers from market signals (prices),
-
inducing
excessive production and depressed prices,
-
creating
uncertainty due to the discretionary character of agencies,
such as the USDA.
However,
prices for agricultural goods in Mexico had been falling since
the early 1980s. Hence, the authors point out that it is
questionable whether depressed prices in Mexico over the last
decade are solely a result of NAFTA, or whether they reflect a
longer-term trend that began many years before the Agreement’s
implementation.
STUDY'S
RECOMMENDATIONS
Mexico
requires a rural policy with a long-term horizon, aimed at
increasing agriculture’s share of GDP while ensuring greater
efficiency, productivity, and international competitiveness.
Rural policy should be more comprehensive in scope and make
greater provisions for the historically neglected small
producer. The potential for high levels of
productivity—contrary to common perception—also exists on small
plots of land.
Specifically,
Mexico
should work toward the following:
-
Increasing
the level of investment in the sector
-
Providing
individualized support to targeted producers based on specific
needs
-
Enhancing
and better coordinating government support programs in order
to avoid overlapping benefits
-
Developing a
long-term support program with stable financing that provides
certainty and stability to all major economic agents
-
Fully
applying those defense mechanisms allowed for agriculture
under NAFTA
For More
Information:
Fax:
011-52-55-5080-2130 or e-mail
AgMexico@usda.gov
Internet
Connections:
FAS Mexico
Web Site:
We are available at
http://www.fas-la.org/mexico or visit FAS headquarters’ home
page at
http://www.fas.usda.gov for a complete selection of FAS'
worldwide agricultural reporting.
This document is available in
PDF format at
http://www.fas.usda.gov/gainfiles/200406/146106518.pdf
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